By Kateb Salim

January 2011 is not likely to be forgotten by Algerians or Tunisians anytime soon. As both countries have seen living conditions deteriorate over the past few years, the unemployed youth are now letting their leaders know how they feel. In recent weeks protests spread like wildfire through their territories, leaving over 30 people dead and hundreds more injured . European mainstream media were quick to label them “food riots” or “poverty protests”, but recent developments reveal more complex motivations, which move beyond the ’empty stomach’ grievance.

The spark: Sidi Bouzid inspires a nation

In Tunisia, two young and unemployed men from Sidi Bouzid protesting the harsh reality of a Tunisian graduate seems to have been the spark to revolt throughout the country and indeed the  region. Ignored by local authorities, the attempted suicide of Houssine Ben Faleh Falhi (through immolation) and Lofti Guadri’s successful self electrocution were cries of anguish felt by many without socio-economic perspectives to look forward to. Cars were set on fire and students clashed with local police as a wave of rebellion swept through the small town. The rallies and protests slowly caught on in other major parts of the North African nation, and even the capital witnessed similar scenes of social unrest.

Tunisia’s authoritarian president Zine el Abidine Ben-Ali has repeatedly spoke out to call for calm,  promising government action to provide more jobs, while controversially labeling these riots ‘terrorism’.  His good-cop bad-cop approach has done little to quell resentment as the movement has gone beyond its initial grievances for economic reform. The movement set off by the riots was quickly joined by local elites and associations. Several key opposition figures and a large part of the lawyers’ associations were able to spearhead the protests in an effort to gain and maintain legitimacy both abroad and at home. They were also shrewdly able to shift the grievances.  Indeed, initial calls for better employment and living conditions in one city were immediately framed as an “anti-Ben Ali” movement in the whole of the country, much to the satisfaction of those exasperated with the country’s undemocratic political, media and economic sectors.  The opposition and self-exiled intellectuals are of those who hope the riots will signal the end of a regime considered to be among the most repressive in the world.

The armed forces were recently brought in to secure banks and other public institutions where the police were clearly overwhelmed by the rioters, most notably in Kasserine, Thala and Ragueb. In these cities clashes between state forces and rioters resulted in an unnecessarily large number of casualties. Protests were met with brutal repression and excessive physical aggression by the state, which is at the time of writing, are responsible for the deaths of more than twenty protestors. Videos from the scenes posted online attest to the viciousness of the police who have not hesitated to shoot with real bullets at protestors. The situation remains critical throughout Tunisia and the volatile reactions these videos may provoke suggest that this uprising is not likely to subside anytime soon.

Algeria: the new ’88?

Nearby, Algeria’s riots were also somewhat predictable due to the similar economic and political state of affairs. Algerians continue to be haunted by the events of 1988 when similar rioting erupted throughout major cities, marking the start of an entrenched civil war.  Twenty-odd years on, despite the end of widespread terror, the country seems unable to extract itself from the vicious circle of violence. As early as 2010, similar small-scale riots erupted in various parts of the country and observers within the free press warned that Algerian society had reached reach near-boiling point.  Moreover, the somewhat uneven distribution in wealth became a more and more apparent contradiction especially in an oil and gas rich country .Finally, the alarming ‘Harraga’ phenomenon (Arabic term for young Algerians hoping to emigrate to Europe) as well as its marginalization by public authorities, was an additional sign of a generalized malaise of discontent.

Images of angry protesters burning tires, buses, and public buildings are reminiscent of a dark past. As the rioting increased, many were quick to point to the recent sharp rise in oil and sugar prices as an explanation. But anyone familiar with the country will know that there is more to this violence than meets the eye. Over the past year, the unemployed youth of some of the poorest neighborhoods have taken to the streets and clashed with police forces to denounce injustices committed by local authorities. These were often related to the distribution of social housing; corruption and nepotism often left those most in need of housing without their rights. In this respect the riots of the past week could be attributed to the simmering anger felt throughout the country by a particular social class.

Despite a steady pacification/relaxation towards normality, the riots have not left Algerian society unaffected. Unlike in past riots, the youth who took the streets did so without any guiding political slogan, other than what Algerians call ‘Ras-Le-Bol’ (i.e. ‘being fed up’).  Unlike in Tunisia, Algeria’s opposition parties and civil society remained relatively distant to the events. It seems that now that the storm has momentarily passed many will attempt to use the riots to bring about much-needed reform to a political and socio-economic system which continues to be plagued by nepotism and mismanagement. Whether or not this will be accomplished is yet to be seen.

What to take from all of this

In both countries internet has played a central role in the direct distribution of information and messages. Activists are using the internet to move information beyond the censorship of the state. Much like in the Iranian protests of 2009, uploaded videos and twitter posts have been used to inform the world of the situation on the ground, and local citizen-journalists are using the net to spread their message to others across the country. Facebook groups and forums ridiculing the political leadership and passionately pleading for reform illustrate the populations’ defiance of the states’ media blackout. As one blogger put it: “Our parliament could well be burning tonight and the 20h’s (eight o’clock TV news) headline would still be how this year’s wheat harvest was amazing!”

Finally, readers should be wary of subscribing to simplistic arguments containing a form of political violence with or without any political agenda. The protestors are neither criminals nor heroes; they are a generation humiliated by the inability to picture a decent living in their own country, externalizing accumulated resentment by the only means available to them. Unrepresented at the highest levels of the political ladder they find themselves incapable of channeling their concerns, fears and anger through mechanisms other than violence on the streets. Fear for their future, a rejection of their present and a wish to settle past scores motivated both young Tunisians and Algerians to undertake what might be seen as nihilistic acts of vandalism. Seen in this light, the burning of schools, government institutions and banks, though counterproductive, can only be interpreted as a need to confront the sources of a continuous humiliation.

The generational gap between these countries’ political establishments and the majority of the population is obvious. No elite regeneration was undertaken in political environments almost identical to those of their first thirty years of independence. Unable to identify with their leadership or those meant to represent them, the young and poor feel (and are) excluded from public life.  Perhaps the most important aspect to these riots is the socio-economic grievance that they brought to the world’s attention. In economies in desperate need of reorganization, solutions to this crisis must inevitably seek to restore dignity to the lowest classes with steady employment, secure housing and long-term educational insertion.

Kateb Salim writes weekly on African and Maghreb affairs for Ceasefire. His interests include politics, current affairs and Real Madrid FC. His column appears every Wednesday.