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	<title>Ceasefire Magazine &#187; war on terror: Blog</title>
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	<description>Ceasefire is a quarterly cultural and political publication, concerned with producing high-quality journalism, review and analysis. We cover a wide range of topics – from Arthouse to Žižek.</description>
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		<title>Blog &#124; Moazzam Begg: how Canada closed its doors to me</title>
		<link>http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/moazzam-begg-canada/</link>
		<comments>http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/moazzam-begg-canada/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 13 Oct 2011 19:02:49 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Moazzam Begg</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Ceasefire Bites]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[New in Ceasefire]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[bay]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[begg]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[canada]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Guantanamo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[moazzam]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[war on terror]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/?p=8816</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[<size=4>Author and campaigner Moazzam Begg became the first Guantanamo prisoner to step onto North American as a free man. However, as he explains in a new article, the Canadian authorities had other ideas.</size>]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><img class="alignnone size-full wp-image-8819" title="Former Guantanamo Detainee Hand Petition To The Home Office" src="http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/Moazzam-Begg.jpg" alt="" width="618" height="348" /></p>
<p>Yesterday I became the first ever former Guantanamo prisoner to have stepped on North American soil as a free man.</p>
<p>Since my return from Guantanamo in 2005, I have travelled the world extensively and been welcomed by ordinary people as well as world leaders to talk about the effects of detention without trial and the uncontrolled abuse of power exercised during the US-led war on terror.</p>
<p>I’ve had meetings with some of the most powerful men in Europe, including Britain, and have delivered speeches in front of Presidents and Prime Ministers.</p>
<p>These countries include France, Germany, Ireland, Luxembourg, Sweden, Norway, Spain, Slovakia, Poland, South Africa, Kenya, Malaysia, Iran, Pakistan, UAE, Lebanon, Egypt, Tunisia, Sudan and Libya where I met with some of the country’s new <a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/sep/04/libyan-commander-demands-apology">leading figures</a> who had themselves been victims of US and British instigated rendition. I’ve not been troubled entering any of these countries.</p>
<p>What I hadn’t done, however, is to take my message across the pond into the North America, where undoubtedly I believe it matters the most. Despite having had a book published there I’ve never been to America &#8211; although America has been to me. Notwithstanding numerous video-link lectures I’ve given to American colleges and institutions I was not prepared to risk a visit to the US and I’m certain the feeling is mutual, at least on a governmental level. Canada on the other hand, so I’d thought, was a different matter.</p>
<p>Two days ago, I took an Air France flight from Paris to Montreal.</p>
<p>My plan had been to go there to meet with former rendition victims <a href="http://maherarar.net/">Maher Arar</a> and <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/22/world/middleeast/22torture.html?ref=abdullahalmalki">Abdullah Almalki</a> – both of whom have been subjects of official inquiries of the Canadian government’s role of their rendition and torture in Syria.  Also, I had intended to meet with the family and legal teams of <a href="http://www.cageprisoners.com/our-work/opinion-editorial/item/122-who-cares-for-this-boy?">Omar Khadr</a>, the only Canadian citizen in Guantanamo – who I first saw in US custody in Bagram as a 15-year old in 2002 when he was brought in suffering horrific wounds to his body and face and whose tortured testimony was used to falsely identify Arar as a member of Al-Qaeda.</p>
<p>Khadr is also the subject of award-winning film <a href="http://www.youdontlikethetruth.com/?lang=En&amp;page=Trailer"><em>You Don’t Like the Truth</em></a> made by Montreal filmmakers which I have been helping to promote and whose screening I was due to attend a couple of months ago in Canada in addition to attending a conference on, ironically, Islamaphobia. However, back then I was told by Air Canada staff that I could not board the London to Toronto flight because I was on a US <a href="http://www.livestream.com/prismmagazine">no-fly list</a>. I told them I was not going to the US, but the response I got was that in the unlikely event of the flight being re-routed into US territory or airspace they were not prepared to take the risk.</p>
<p>I had some inhibitions about attempting to return to Canada which I communicated to some friends over there but I couldn’t know what would happen until I tried. Thus, I rescheduled my trip with another carrier to arrive slightly further north of US territory and sure enough I was allowed to board unhindered all the way to Montreal. Clearly I wasn’t on a Canadian no-fly list.</p>
<p>Then, upon arrival in Montreal, just when I’d allowed myself to relax, an announcement was made for everyone to remain seated. Three uniformed police officers boarded the aircraft and headed straight for me.  At that point I knew, in some corners of the world I will always be the Guantanamo prisoner, the terrorism suspect, who is unwelcome no matter what he does.</p>
<p>I was taken off the aircraft in full view of all the passengers and escorted by these armed men to immigration in order to be told that I was being refused entry to Canada because I’m a terrorist.</p>
<p>The reasons stated were that based on ‘open source’ information that I ‘was detained by the United States from 2002 until 2005 in Guantanamo’ and, that I signed a confession during that time that I was  member of Al-Qaeda and Taliban, even if it had been under duress.</p>
<p>I argued that even the Canadian Government <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/7195276.stm">recognised</a> officially that the US practiced torture and that the implications of this decision mean that Canada, a signatory of the <em>UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment</em><em> </em>is acting on information obtained by torture, abusive treatment and crucially, which is devoid of the rule of law. Whilst they recognised that I said the statement may have been given under duress and the fact that after being interrogated by the world’s leading law enforcement and intelligence agencies I have not only never been charged or tried for  any crime but have rather been the recipient of <a href="http://www.cageprisoners.com/our-work/opinion-editorial/item/861-settlement-are-the-guantanamo-cases-closed">compensation</a> from the British Government for what happened and <a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/nov/30/wikileaks-cables-us-guantanamo-moazzam-begg">praise</a> from US Government officials for my work since my release, their decision had already been made.</p>
<p>I could either stay in detention centre and challenge the decision or return home. I opted for the latter as I’ve had my fair share of being detained without charge or trial.</p>
<p>During my short sojourn in Canada I was also visited by a member of the Canadian intelligence services, CSIS. I tried explaining to both him and the border police that denying me entry would look bad for Canada. In the great scheme of things I suppose it doesn’t matter too much. Omar Khadr is a Canadian national and he hasn’t even made it to the airport.</p>
<p>I intend taking this issue up through the legal process as that is where I believe this case has to be fought but I may have a battle on my hands.  Nelson Mandela, who was convicted for terrorism by the apartheid regime in South Africa, <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/7340248.stm">remained on the US no-fly list until 2008</a> and Maher Arar, who received compensation and official apology from his government for complicity in his torture, is still on the list. Abdullah Almalki was prevented from boarding an internal Canadian flight despite being a citizen.</p>
<p>Yes, I was the first former Guantanamo prisoner to step onto North American as a free man – free to remain in a detention centre or to go back to where I came from.</p>
<p><em>An <a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2011/oct/13/canada-guantanamo-bay-camp-guard?fb=optOut">edited version</a> of this article was published on the Guardian&#8217;s Comment is Free website</em></p>
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		<title>North African Dispatches The “War on Terror”’s new frontier?</title>
		<link>http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/north-african-dispatches-2/</link>
		<comments>http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/north-african-dispatches-2/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 02 Nov 2010 23:00:56 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Imad Mesdoua</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[New in Ceasefire]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[North African Dispatches]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Africom]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Al Qaeda]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[algeria]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[AQIM]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[france]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[GSPC]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[hostage]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[maghreb]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mali]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mauritania]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Spain]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[US]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[war on terror]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/?p=3968</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[<a href="http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/new-in-ceasefire/north-african-dispatches-2/"><img class="alignleft size-full wp-image-366" title="North African Dispatches" src="http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/AQIM.jpg" alt="" width="618" height="408" /></a><strong> <size=4>In this week's 'North African Dispatches' Imad Mesdoua looks at the emergence, and remarkably-swift growth, of 'Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb' (AQIM), highlighting the context surrounding the phenomenon, including US attempts to extend its 'war on terror' to the region. The months to come, he argues, might herald some crucial developments.</a><strong> <size=4></strong></size>]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><img src="http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/AQIM.jpg" alt="" title="AQIM" width="617" height="467" class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-3969" />By <strong>Imad Mesdoua</strong></p>
<p>This week, I thought I’d explore a new regional phenomenon testing the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maghreb">Maghreb</a>’s security cooperation: AQIM. Recent events suggest North African elites are all aghast at the rise to prominence of <strong>&#8216;Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb&#8217;</strong>, and with good reason. Since as early as 2007, this new organization (the latest reincarnation of the former Algerian terrorist group GSPC), has taken its previous fight in Algeria’s mountainous region of Kabylia to the arid Sahel Region.  </p>
<p>More than anything, this new group seems capable of destabilizing armed forces in the region, due to a number of factors. Firstly, as its name suggests, AQIM is a self-styled local branch of the global Al Qaeda network (itself a subject of great debate), and is therefore ostensibly under the direct sponsorship and guidance of Osama Bin Laden. What are its objectives? Despite its ‘borrowed’ religious narrative, it seems the organization has no true political agenda. More than anything, predatory rapacity has thus far characterized its activities. </p>
<p>Indeed, the organization has demonstrated an impressive operating capacity, using &#8220;taxation&#8221; as well as drugs and arms trafficking cartels in the region to anchor its financial objectives. In 2009, it used a set of shock methods which helped it establish itself as a formidable threat to regional security. First, it adopted the kidnapping of European and Canadian tourists, aid workers and even diplomats to attract worldwide attention. Second, it has executed several of these hostages and has not hesitated to assassinate targeted members of Mauritania’s military establishment. </p>
<p>In doing so, AQIM has been able to command considerable ransom money, thus further financing its activities. Those hostages that have been released have been lucky to have received the financial assistance of their respective states (e.g. Spain paid for the release of two human aid workers) despite protests from the Algerian and French governments. </p>
<p>I argue that, more than anything, the lack of a united front on military and political responses has led states of the Sahel to a precarious standstill. This, in conjunction with poor communication with their European counterparts, will only further embolden an AQIM capable of playing states against one another. A perfect example of these policy disputes emerged at last month&#8217;s security summit in Algiers between invited countries and the host nation. </p>
<p>The Algerian government made it clear to its counterparts in the region that, after over a decade of internal civil insurgency, it sees its own, well-tested solutions to the AQIM problem as the most effective. These solutions include military interventions carried out by regional states and an uncompromising stance as to the paying of ransoms which it sees as fuelling terrorism rather than combating it.  </p>
<p>This view, however, contrasts with Mauritania’s, which believes the problem cannot simply be solved regionally. For instance, the Mauritanian military participated in various interventions outside its borders. Amongst these, Mauritania and France undertook, in April of 2010, a joint offensive to root out terrorist targets in the Malian desert (without permission from the Malian authorities). </p>
<p>For the most part, this attempt to &#8216;smoke out&#8217; AQIM (ah Bush terminology how we miss thee) failed to achieve most of its objectives. This stance, Nouakchott argued, is largely due to the material and tactical limitations of their own armed forces. This however has succeeded in further irritating the military establishment in Algeria. In an attempt to explain Algiers’ growing impatience, a recent declaration to the press by Algerian premier Ahmed Ouyahia revealed a more complex situation than had been suggested. He strongly reiterated Algeria&#8217;s opposition to the presence of foreign military personnel in the region, even under the pretext of &#8220;maintaining security&#8221;. </p>
<p>I cannot help but wonder whether or not these conflicting policy positions are the reflection of an unspoken concern over possible American military interventions and/or growing influence in the region. The scars of the War of terror have yet to heal in most Arab and Muslim states, and it seems North Africa is no exception. Prior to the Bush Administration&#8217;s departure, the creation of an African Command (or AfriCom) had been agreed to to protect American interests in Africa. </p>
<p>Since then, this new listening outpost has become the basis for increased American military presence in Africa. Its creation inevitably signals a new era of American influence over a region it has thus far considered insignificant to its geostrategic priorities. Perhaps it’s only rational that this correlation between Washington&#8217;s shift in strategy and the rise of AQIM has caused states such as Algeria to pre-empt or prevent any possible overreach by the Pentagon to bring the War on Terror to the Maghreb. </p>
<p>Only time will tell whether or not such considerations prove true or not, in the meanwhile, readers are warned to keep a close eye on the ongoing transformations caused by these new developments in the region&#8217;s geopolitical landscape.  </p>
<p><img src="http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/ceasefirepic.png" alt="" title="ceasefirepic" width="98" height="134" class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-3959" /><strong>Imad Mesdoua</strong> writes weekly on African and Maghreb affairs for <em>Ceasefire</em>. His interests include politics, current affairs and Real Madrid FC.</p>
<p>His column appears every Wednesday.</p>
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		<title>The imminent, and overdue, death of ‘Prevent’</title>
		<link>http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/on-security-on-the-imminent-and-overdue-death-of-the-prevent-programme/</link>
		<comments>http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/on-security-on-the-imminent-and-overdue-death-of-the-prevent-programme/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 03 Sep 2010 19:58:10 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Rizwaan Sabir</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Columns]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sabir on Security]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[counter-terrorism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[islam]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Islamism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Muslim]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Prevent]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[racism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[rizwaan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Rizwaan Sabir]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sabir]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[security]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Terrorism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[war on terror]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/?p=1508</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[<a href="http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/cctv.jpg"><img class="alignleft size-full wp-image-200" title="cctv" src="http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/cctv.jpg" alt="" width="618" height="408" /></a><strong> <size=4> Of all the ill-fated initiatives and programmes introduced by the previous government in its attempt to "fight terrorism", nothing has been as disastrously counter-productive as the 'Prevent' strategy. 
As Rizwaan Sabir argues, this is a programme that was designed, and implemented, as a direct attack on the Muslim community as a whole. Its demise cannot come too soon.  </a><strong> <size=4></strong></size>]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><a href="http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/cctv.jpg"><img class="alignright size-full wp-image-1533" title="cctv" src="http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/cctv.jpg" alt="" width="358" height="215" /></a>By <strong>Rizwaan Sabir</strong></p>
<p>The post 7/7 “soft-approach” to challenging &#8220;extremism and terrorism within the Muslim community&#8221; became known as the &#8216;Prevent&#8217; programme. I talk in the past tense because the policy, to all intents and purposes, is almost dead. The counter-terrorism review, which will disclose its findings at the start of 2011, will hopefully make this flawed and knee-jerk policy a thing of the past, and rightfully so.</p>
<p>The policy has been utterly counter-productive, awfully deceptive and has &#8220;securitised&#8221; the Muslims community unnecessarily.</p>
<p>When ‘Prevent’ was launched in 2006, it was heralded as a programme that would engage the Muslim community and work tirelessly, in conjunction with it, to counter the threat of terrorism; a phenomenon, it seems, that was understood by the New-Labour establishment to be a Muslim monopoly. However, rather than working with the Muslim community, the programme has been targeting all Muslims and doing what it was NOT meant to do – alienate and drive Muslims inward.  </p>
<p>A <a href="http://www.scribd.com/doc/35833660/ACPO-Police-Prevent-Strategy">leaked Association of Police Officers (ACPO) document</a> quite categorically shows that the Prevent programme’s approach was not only targeted at those people that were &#8220;actively showing signs&#8221; of moving toward extremism or were extremists, as had been the stated intention under the programme, but was instead primarily used against young Muslims and the Muslim community as a whole. Claims by the government and the police that the programme was never about the Muslim community being spied upon is blatantly untrue. The document quite clearly states that the Muslim community needs to be targeted regardless of the political opinions or political beliefs of particular members happen to be, which is further evidence that the police, contrary to public claims, have been investigating and collating intelligence on Muslims that have done nothing illegal. In short, the police have been (and still are) involved in a witch-hunt against Muslims for no other reason than the fact that they are Muslim.</p>
<p>The <a href="http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200910/cmselect/cmcomloc/65/65.pdf">justification</a> for focusing the prevent programme on the Muslim community was best explained by the ACPO Coordinator of Prevent, Sir Norman Bettison, who explained to the 2010 &#8216;Preventing Violent Extremism&#8217; Select Committee that “[b]ecause young Muslims are vulnerable to al-Qaida propaganda, it made sense to focus Prevent activity on the Muslim community”. However, there is no evidence to suggest that Muslim youths are more vulnerable to radicalisation than, say, white-working class youths targeted by far-right propaganda. It is a myth to suggest that young Muslims are more likely to carry out acts of violence because they have been exposed to Al-Qaida propaganda. Often enough, it could be argued that the complete opposite that takes place: the exposure to propaganda is more likely to drive them further away.</p>
<p>Interestingly, <a href="http://www.communities.gov.uk/documents/statistics/pdf/1702054.pdf">the latest survey conducted by Communities and Local Government</a> states that 80% of Muslim respondents believe that the use of violence is “always wrong” when making a political protest. Compare this to the Hindu respondents, of whom only 76% hold that same view, in other words, a higher proportion of Hindus believe that violence is acceptable “sometimes” or “at all times” than is the case with Muslims. By its own absurd logic, should the government and police not have been targeting the Hindu community under Prevent too?</p>
<p>The conclusion of the survey must be repeated: Muslims are no more likely of adopting violence or justifying terrorism than other communities (Hindus or others) are, and to somehow suggest that this is the case is not only evidentially flawed, but also, to put it bluntly, discriminatory and racist.</p>
<p>For anyone who argues that Muslims are a threat to UK national security and therefore need to be robustly challenged and be subjected to draconian  programmes such as Prevent, I would say to them: have a look at the figures from the <a href="http://www.europol.europa.eu/publications/EU_Terrorism_Situation_and_Trend_Report_TE-SAT/TESAT2009.pdf">2009 Terrorism report produced by Europol</a>, which sets the record straight about the range of threats that not only Britain but the entire European Union faces. I assure you, Islamist terrorism does not even compare to the other, mostly nationalistic, &#8216;variants&#8217;.</p>
<p>Saying that, the general public cannot be blamed entirely for believing that the threat from &#8220;Muslims&#8221; or &#8220;Islamic terrorists&#8221; is higher than from other religious or political groups. After all, the media have been unabashedly and irresponsibly &#8220;reporting&#8221; on Islamic terrorism and Muslims before the dust of the World Trade Centre had even settled. It is thus hardly surprising that anti-Muslim crimes are on the rise and people are so quick to justify draconian anti-terror measures and policies against the Muslim community at large. The government claims its own policy is infomed not by media speculation but by &#8220;intelligence&#8221;. It seems that the intelligence which has been leading the Prevent programme is coming from the same ‘Scooby-Doo school of intelligence’ that gave us, to name a few choice examples, the 45 minute WMD claim, the report that a house in London was producing Ricin (it wasn&#8217;t) and about the alleged manufacturing of a ‘chemical weapon’ in Forest Gate (that never existed). Using the &#8220;intelligence tells us&#8221; pretext is hardly an intelligent move and is thus unlikely to gain any sympathy from those who are at the receiving end of those policies and actions that are based solely on it.</p>
<p>Despite the insistence of the government and the security-apparatus, Prevent was introduced solely as a Muslim-policy and has been focused on trying to utilise any avenue to acquire information and <a href="http://www.powerbase.info/index.php?title=Community_Intelligence">community intelligence</a> on the Muslim community. The direct interventions that have taken place, which have sometimes affected non-Muslims too, have merely been token gestures rather than genuine attempts at preventing violent extremism.</p>
<p>Furthermore, the request for the disclosure of the number of Prevent interventions, broken down by religion and ethnicity, under the Freedom of Information Act have all been refused by every police force in England and Wales; fuelling the belief that interventions under Prevent are disproportionately targeting Muslims, hence the staunch resistance to making the information public. The recent case of <a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2010/jun/04/surveillance-cameras-birmingham-muslims">ANPR cameras being installed</a> in two predominantly Muslim areas of Birmingham under the pretext of combating drug-dealing and anti-social behaviour, is just one more example of the constant disproportionate attention that Muslims continue to receive under the Prevent banner.</p>
<p>Trust, transparency and honesty are three notions that should be at the forefront of trying to combat every threat, including the very small threat that issues from those who believe in using violence out of religous convictions. Sadly, though, it seems that the implementers of the Prevent programme had opted to put these principles aside and, instead, allowed ignorance and incompetence, coupled with pathetic attempts at &#8220;intelligence gathering&#8221;, to dictate matters.</p>
<p>The official verdict in 2011 is thus being eagerly awaited, and will undoubtedly be the final nail in the Prevent coffin. Once the programme has been rightly scrapped, the Muslim community can begin to think about how to &#8220;un-securitise&#8221; itself. In the meantime, the new government and the police should start to think seriously about how they intend to rebuild trust and transparency with the Muslim community, a trust that is currently at its lowest ever level. Whether they will have the vision and political will to act, is something only time will show.</p>
<p><strong>Rizwaan Sabir</strong> is a human rights activist and doctoral researcher at the University of Strathclyde. He is researching the role of Islam in British and Scottish government policy, with a special focus on counter-terrorism. In May 2008 he was detained for six days as a suspected member of al-Qaida for being in possession of primary research literature. He was released without charge. His column on counter-terrorism and security appears every other Friday.</p>
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		<title>Review &#8211; Road to Guantanamo</title>
		<link>http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/review-road-to-guantanamo/</link>
		<comments>http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/review-road-to-guantanamo/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 29 May 2008 14:52:37 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Arts & Culture]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[civil liberties]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Guantanamo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[March06]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[war on terror]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/?p=19</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Review &#8211; Road to Guantanamo (dir. Michael Winterbottom) by Alistair Nixon In Ian McEwan’s Saturday, Henry Perowne speaks of September 11th 2001 as his eighteen year old son’s induction into international affairs; “his initiation, in front of the TV, before the dissolving towers was intense, but he adapted quickly.” It is a statement that is [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<h3>Review &#8211; Road to Guantanamo (dir. Michael Winterbottom)</h3>
<h3>by Alistair Nixon</h3>
<p><a href="http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/road-to-guantanamo-8.jpg"><img class="alignnone size-medium wp-image-20" title="road-to-guantanamo-8" src="http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/road-to-guantanamo-8-300x199.jpg" alt="" width="300" height="199" /></a></p>
<p>In Ian McEwan’s Saturday, Henry Perowne speaks of September 11th 2001 as his eighteen year old son’s induction into international affairs; “his initiation, in front of the TV, before the dissolving towers was intense, but he adapted quickly.” It is a statement that is true certainly for me and also for many of our generation. But the September 11th attacks were only part of the induction.<span id="more-19"></span></p>
<p>A counterpoint to the images of the “dissolving towers”, were the equally resonant images of the Guantanamo Bay detainees, removed not just from international law, but also, by insulation, from the environment surrounding them &#8211; kneeling, bound, jump-suited blobs of orange, their eyes, nose, ears, hands and mouths rendered obsolete with masks, headphones and gloves. They were the dehumanised victims of a scared and vengeful giant, divested of their most basic human rights – unpeople, as author Mark Curtis put it recently.</p>
<p>Michael Winterbottom’s latest film, The Road to Guantanamo, forcefully asserts the Person within that sensory deprivation kit. It comes at a time when Guantanamo is no longer news. Tony Blair summed up its position well at a recent press conference, referring to it as an “anomaly”. The horrors of Guantanamo have become part of the fabric of every day life. Thankfully, this film puts it back on the agenda. The story is based upon the account of three British detainees at Guantanamo – the so-called Tipton Three, Ruhal Ahmed, Shafiq Rasul, and Iad Asif Iqbal. Travelling to Pakistan for a wedding, they enter in to Afghanistan at the same time American bombing commences. As bombing intensifies, they attempt to get back to Pakistan, but instead become wound up with Taliban fighters, before their arrest by Americans. The Tipton Three spent just over two years at Guantanamo Bay.</p>
<p>The film cuts between the dramatised escapades of the young, clean shaven youths laughing and joking at the quirky otherworldliness of Afghanistan &#8211; with occasional flash backs to happier times; flirting with girls at Pizza Hut, riding scooters around a Tipton park &#8211; and interviews with their current, thick bearded counterparts. When captured, Ahmed and Iqbal were both 22, Rasul was 24. (Of course, they were by no means the youngest detainees, America having admitted to only recently releasing a 13 and 15 year old.). While our induction to international affairs was watching the horror, theirs was living it. The location filming in Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran adds a great deal of believability to the film, as does the mock-up of Guantanamo itself. But as noted earlier, this is not a documentary; it is the dramatised account of the protagonists’ time in Afghanistan and Guantanamo. This is, of course, a partisan account; but it is our best opportunity to hear from those who have been inside Guantanamo Bay. By denying access to Guantanamo to lawyers, aid workers and journalists, the Bush administration has done harm to any defence they may have. Commentators such as David Aaronovitch have noted factual inaccuracies during parts of the film, such as the claim that the teenagers entered Afghanistan before the American bombing started (when in fact it was after).</p>
<p>Beginning the film is a clip of George Bush proclaiming that inside Guantanamo are the ‘bad guys.’ The film maintains the Tipton Three were completely innocent; but if the Tipton Three were not hapless youths, who somehow strayed into Afghanistan, but had gone with the intent of aiding Bin Laden in an assault on the West, would their treatment at Guantanamo have been warranted? The film provides an indirect answer to this question. We are not just witness to the conditions inside the camp, but also the interrogations. They are farcical. So much time and energy is expelled in to dragging a confession from the detainees, that the entire point of the exercise – extracting information on Al Qaeda- is forgotten. At one point, Ahmed is shown a video of a Bin Laden rally in Afghanistan in the year two-thousand. “I see you on the tape,” the interrogator snarls. Ahmed argues it couldn’t have been him, “I was working at Curry’s all of 2000&#8243;; but still, the interrogator persists. “How could you have been, if I can see you on the tape?” With interrogators like these, who needs enemies? The scenes at Guantanamo are full of black comedy. They go to show that Guantanamo is indeed an ‘anomaly’. But it is not just a moral or legal anomaly; the practices within Guantanamo fly in the face of rational thought. Regardless, the anomaly that is Guantanamo Bay will blot the consciences of many subsequent generations free from the smoke and haze of the collapsed twin towers. The question, however, is who will feel the most shame? Those who believe Guantanamo is necessary for world security; or those of us whose protests against Guantanamo have amounted to nothing more than mere indignant huffing and puffing. There have been no major protests; Camp Delta has been allowed to slip off the radar. The Road to Guantanamo is of the utmost importance in reminding us what an abomination the prison is, and of the urgency required in doing something to help those who are still trapped within its walls.</p>
<p><strong> Road to Guantanamo is available to buy on DVD, priced £15.99</strong></p>
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